The relationship between Hugo Moyano and his son Pablo is broken; the heir apparent has been sidelined from union decision-making, and the financial crisis of the health fund Oschoca threatens to drag down the entire union and business empire built over decades. Nevertheless, the health fund has lost thousands of members, its providers report payment delays, and protests and signs demanding unpaid wages are multiplying in clinics linked to the union. The crisis at Oschoca has sparked a deep discussion within the inner circle of the Truck Drivers' Union: it is no longer profitable to sustain the health fund with the union's money or property, and at the same time, it has become risky from an accounting perspective. The case, estimated at around 10 million dollars, has deepened the feud between factions aligned with Hugo and Pablo, and there have even been reports of an armed attack on the facade of a local leader's home. The succession battle is also being fought on the federal level. The National Federation of Truck Drivers, which Moyano has led since 1992, is facing an organized opposition front for the first time following a Supreme Court ruling that finalized the disaffiliation of the Santa Fe union, led by Sergio Aladio, and the split in Córdoba among garbage collectors, who formed their own union. What was a source of pride for the Moyanos for years—an integrated system combining a health fund, hotels, a clinic, a construction company, a textile firm, and an ART (work risk insurance)—now appears, internally, as a burden that accelerates the erosion of the historical leadership. Concurrently, ongoing legal cases expose other weak points. His recent reappearance on social media, denouncing precarious conditions at a beverage logistics center, was far from an isolated gesture: the protest involved workers from the water and soft drinks branch, who days earlier had been involved in a massive brawl with gunfire, stabbings, and the presence of football hooligans, a symptom that the dispute for control of the union has already spilled over to the rank-and-file. At 81, Hugo is trying to maintain authority in the union world by clinging to the formal power structure. The key piece of that network was Iarai SA, which concentrated the goodwill of the healthcare network and placed on its boards the children of Zulet from previous marriages, integrating business, family, and union structure into a single power system. However, this machinery has begun to creak where it hurts the clan the most: the health fund's finances. The youngest son, 26, is his private secretary, manages his schedule and phone, and accumulates functions in companies linked to the union. The leadership had to publicly explain that this is a “privilege” outside of labor law, in an attempt to contain a base that no longer automatically responds to the clan. In this climate, Pablo Moyano presents himself as a displaced heir but still with influence in certain union sectors, while Jerónimo consolidates himself as the chosen heir of the Moyano-Zulet marriage. With a health fund on the brink of collapse, open legal fronts, and pockets of rebellion within the country, the historical truck drivers' leadership faces a systemic crisis: for the first time in nearly four decades, not only is there discussion about who will lead the union the day after Hugo, but whether the political, economic, and familial structure he built can survive the implosion of its own “coffers.” Oschoca is dragging a debt that, just in the interior chapters, exceeds 26.6 billion pesos and, projected onto the total number of members, could approach 50 billion, according to internal reports. In Mar del Plata, a multimillion-dollar embezzlement is being investigated at the union's “December 15” hotel, involving blank checks, overpricing, and contracts under scrutiny, a situation that led to an internal purge and sidelined leaders with extreme confidence in the truck leader. Delegates from the garbage collection branch, one of the traditional strongholds of Moyanoism, rebelled upon learning they will not receive the compensation provided by the so-called “Moyano Law,” the informal pact that requires companies to fire, indemnify, and rehire personnel every time there is a change in ownership. To these rifts are added recent decisions by labor courts that question electoral processes in key chapters and weaken the historical leader's control over the national map of truckers. Discontent has even reached the heart of the powerful Buenos Aires chapter. Against this backdrop, a new actor is gaining power within the clan: Jerónimo, the youngest son Hugo had with his current wife, Liliana Zulet, the architect of the web of companies that orbit the union. On paper, Pablo is still the union's assistant secretary, but he has not set foot in his office at the San José headquarters for a year and has been relegated to managing the sports club Camioneros, which was promoted in AFA tournaments and is projected as a new “coffer” of the Moyano universe. He sealed agreements with sectors that were historically his rivals and retained influence in the CGT's leadership through loyal leaders, while within the union, gestures of Jerónimo's anticipated coronation multiply. To sustain it, an extraordinary contribution of 20,000 pesos per worker per month was imposed, which goes directly to the service provider, effectively becoming a permanent salary item. The union and the medical service provider have different tax IDs (CUIT), and any crossing of funds or assets is under suspicion in an AFIP or Superintendence of Health Services inspection. At the same time, he is employed by Express Beer SA, a beverage transport company whose owner is part of the business chamber with which Camioneros negotiates salaries, a conflict of interests that generates internal distrust. In the shadow of this realignment appears the figure of Liliana Zulet, Hugo's third wife and the brains behind the holding built around the union: medical, construction, clothing, service, and insurance companies that for years had the union itself as their main client, and in particular, the health fund. Buenos Aires, November 15, 2025 – Total News Agency-TNA – The internal conflict in the Truck Drivers' Union has entered an openly destructive phase.
